Chapter 4. Kagyu and Mahāmudrā¶
Kagyu (Bka'-brgyud, "oral transmission" or "transmission of teachings") has the most distinctive tradition of practice among the Tibetan Buddhist schools. Its legitimacy comes from direct transmission from teacher to disciple, generation after generation, rather than resting on textual research or a school's history. Kagyu offers a living transmission that texts cannot fully replace. It is also the most fundamental difference in character between Kagyu and Nyingma, which relies on treasure texts, or Gelug, which relies on textual study and debate.
Kagyu's highest teaching is Mahāmudrā (Pāli: Mahamudda; Tibetan: phyag rgya chen po), literally the "great seal." It is direct recognition of the nature of mind, requiring no elaborate visualizations or stages, only direct pointing out in the present moment. The "pointing out" is not the proclamation of a doctrine. At the right moment and in the right way, the teacher enables the disciple to recognize immediately the original condition of their own mind.
1. Origins: the chain of transmission from India to Tibet¶
Indian roots, Nāropa and Maitrīpa¶
Kagyu's Indian lineage is traced to two great adepts (mahāsiddhas):
Nāropa (c. 1016 to 1100; the dates are disputed) won a debate and served as abbot of Nālandā for eight years. According to tradition, an old woman confronted him with the fact that he understood only words, not their meaning. He then abandoned his post to seek the teacher Tilopa. After twelve major and twelve minor trials, he finally received direct transmission and became a central figure in the Mahāmudrā lineage. The Six Dharmas of Nāropa, which he organized and transmitted, comprise inner heat (gtum mo), illusory body (sgyu lus), dream yoga (rmi lam), luminosity ('od gsal), the intermediate state (bar do), and transference of consciousness (pho ba). The core practices of the completion stage later became the foundation of Kagyu's system of practice.1
Maitrīpa (c. 1007 to 1085), a contemporary of Nāropa, was known for direct transmission of Mahāmudrā. The essential Mahāmudrā instructions received from him emphasized sudden entry through immediate recognition of the nature of mind. Marpa received teachings with different emphases from the two masters and brought them together in the Tibetan transmission.
It is difficult to distinguish the historical identities of these two men from the miraculous narratives surrounding them, such as Tilopa holding fish and the accounts of Nāropa's trials. The book regards the existence of the central figures as historically credible, but treats the details of the trials as instructive narratives rather than accepting each as historical fact.
Marpa, translator and founder of a lineage¶
Marpa (Marpa Lotsāwa, Marpa Chökyi Lodrö, 1012 to 1097) was Kagyu's actual founder. He was a Tibetan layman with a wife and children who farmed land, not an ordained monk. His lay status is an important feature of the tradition because Kagyu originated in direct transmission from a lay teacher, outside the monastic system.
Marpa made three long journeys to India, around 1042, 1059, and 1073. The dates are modern scholars' chronological calculations. The biography gives durations, not calendar dates. Each journey was extremely costly, and he carried gold to exchange for teachings and texts. He systematically studied tantric teachings with Nāropa and Maitrīpa, then began teaching on his return to Tibet. His most important disciple was Milarepa. His translation work earned him the title lotsāwa, "translator." Unlike Rinchen Zangpo, who concentrated on textual translation, Marpa was more concerned with living lineages of practice. For him, texts were only their medium.2
2. Milarepa, the most charismatic practitioner in the history of the lineage¶
Milarepa (Mi-la-ras-pa, 1052 to 1135; the dates are disputed) is one of the most famous figures in all of Tibetan Buddhist history and the spiritual symbol of the Kagyu lineage.
The story of Milarepa's life became one of the most important works of Tibetan literature through The Life of Milarepa (rNam thar). The biography was compiled by Tsangnyön Heruka (gTsang-smyon Heruka, "the Madman of Tsang"; personal name Sangye Gyaltsen, 1452 to 1507) and is among the Tibetan Buddhist texts most accessible to modern readers. It is itself a fifteenth-century creation. Its historical reliability and its literary and religious construction are equally important, and the book reads it with that awareness.2
According to the biography, the young Milarepa learned black magic to avenge his family and killed many people. Overcome by remorse, he turned to Buddhism and sought Marpa. Marpa subjected him to exceptionally harsh training, repeatedly ordering him to build and dismantle stone towers unaided. Only after Milarepa had repaid all his accumulated bad karma through austerities did Marpa finally transmit the teachings. Milarepa then practiced alone in mountain caves for many years. His austerities are said to have turned his body green. He taught through songs of realization (mgur) and eventually attained realization.
Within the Kagyu lineage, Milarepa represents the possibility of realizing Mahāmudrā through a lifetime of concentrated practice without an extensive background in monastic learning. He was not a scholarly thinker but an ascetic and yogin wholly devoted to practice. His example contrasts markedly with Gelug's emphasis on systematic study.
3. Gampopa, the systematizer of Kagyu¶
Kagyu truly became an organized school with Gampopa (Dvags-po Lha-rje, 1079 to 1153).
Gampopa's background was unusual. Early in life he was a well-trained Kadam monk, and his medical background also earned him the name "the Physician of Dakpo." After meeting Milarepa, he turned to Kagyu practice. He combined the two traditions, using the Kadam stages of non-tantric practice as his foundation, from ethical training to meditation, starting with Atiśa's stages of the path. Direct Mahāmudrā recognition was the highest stage. The combination became Kagyu's most influential framework of practice.
Gampopa's most important surviving work is the Jewel Ornament of Liberation (Dvags-po Thar-rgyan), a systematic treatise on the bodhisattva path. It integrates the Kadam stages of the path with the Mahāmudrā tradition and became a foundational Kagyu textbook, still widely transmitted today.
Gampopa had several important disciples, each of whom founded a different lineage. Kagyu's many later branches developed from those lineages.
4. Kagyu's many branches¶
Kagyu has more branches than any other Tibetan Buddhist school. Its principal branches are shown below:

Düsum Khyenpa is identified in the Chinese diagram as the first Karmapa and founder of Karma Kagyu. The diagram retains Marpa's 1012–1097 dates; Chapter 2's translator table and note identify these as a later traditional dating questioned by Davidson.
The traditional classification is four major and eight minor lineages. The four major ones descend from Gampopa's direct disciples, while the eight minor ones arise from Phagmodrupa's disciples:
| Principal branch | Founder | Characteristics |
|---|---|---|
| Karma Kagyu | Düsüm Khyenpa (First Karmapa, 1110–1193) | Lineage of the Black Hat Dharma kings; still the largest branch, with the Karmapa lineage continuing today |
| Phagmo Drupa Kagyu | Phagmodrupa (1110–1170) | The Phagmodrupa polity gained political predominance in central Tibet in the mid-fourteenth century |
| Drigung Kagyu | Drigung Kyobpa Rinchen Pal (1143–1217) | Known for transference of consciousness (phowa) teachings |
| Drukpa Kagyu | Successors of Drakpa Palsang (1161–1211) | Now the state religion of Bhutan; Tibetan "Drukpa" means "thunder dragon," depicted on Bhutan's flag |
| Taglung Kagyu | Taglung Thangpa (1142–1210) | A smaller branch, now often joined with other lineages |
The Karmapa lineage is Kagyu's oldest and remains its best known. Düsüm Khyenpa is considered the first person in Tibetan history to have been recognized as a "living Buddha," a reincarnate lama (tulku, sprul sku). The institution subsequently became the most distinctive means of lineage transmission in Tibetan Buddhism. The Gelug systems of Dalai Lamas and Panchen Lamas are both extensions of it.
5. Mahāmudrā, direct recognition of the nature of mind¶
Mahāmudrā is Kagyu's highest teaching and one of the Tibetan Buddhist practice traditions hardest to describe in words, precisely because its core points to what words cannot fully capture.
Three levels of Mahāmudrā¶
Kagyu usually distinguishes three approaches to Mahāmudrā:
Ground Mahāmudrā is a philosophical description of the nature of mind itself (sems nyid). The nature of mind is empty and at the same time luminously knowing, with luminosity and emptiness nondual (stong gsal). It neither comes nor goes and cannot be fully described by any concept, yet it is the very basis of all cognition. The description concerns the ontological aspect of Mahāmudrā.
Path Mahāmudrā is the method of practice. Practitioners rest in the present condition of mind, neither pursuing nor rejecting. They allow thoughts to arise and cease naturally without being carried away by them, gradually becoming familiar with mind's original nature. The practice is divided into calm (śamatha) and insight (vipaśyanā). Calm settles the mind, and insight directly recognizes the original condition of that settled mind.
Fruition Mahāmudrā is the state of completed practice. The ordinary mind of saṃsāra and the awakened mind are nondual. Discriminating thought dissolves, and luminous, empty awareness becomes stable and continuous. The state is no different from buddhahood and is simply "recognizing" what was already there.3
Mahāmudrā and the practice of calm and insight¶
At the core of Mahāmudrā practice is a change in one's attitude toward "practice" itself. In many gradual systems, such as Buddhaghosa's seven purifications, practice advances step by step toward a goal not yet realized. Mahāmudrā takes a different approach. The goal, awakening, is already within the present condition of mind. Nothing needs to be added or removed; it only needs to be "recognized."
In Kagyu practice, "recognition" is often brought about through a teacher's direct transmission. At the appropriate moment, the teacher uses a question, a manifestation, a push or blow, or a gesture to point toward recognition when the disciple is most unguarded and least expects it. The method demands a great deal of the relationship between teacher and disciple and places profound emphasis on it.
Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka¶
Are Mahāmudrā's nature of mind and Madhyamaka's emptiness one and the same, or two different things?
Kagyu's usual answer is that both ultimately point to the same reality, but approach it differently. Madhyamaka begins with analysis, examining how all phenomena lack intrinsic nature. Mahāmudrā begins with direct recognition of the nature of mind. Their destination is the same. In the Jewel Ornament of Liberation, Gampopa even presents Mahāmudrā as a "direct path that need not depend on Madhyamaka analysis." The claim is bold in Tibetan philosophical history, suggesting that Mahāmudrā can bypass non-tantric philosophical systems and reach awakening directly.
The claim proved controversial. Gelug, discussed further in 11.6, holds that without understanding the correct Madhyamaka view, genuine recognition of the nature of mind is impossible. Such "recognition" would at most be a quiet meditative state, still one step short of true awakening. Kagyu replies that this is precisely the kind of statement constrained by scholastic learning. The Mahāmudrā tradition began with Tilopa and Nāropa and has produced countless great adepts over several centuries. Their experience itself is the best evidence.
The book sees the dispute largely as two systems of language describing different paths of practice. Both sides have ample textual grounds. The substantive question is whether recognition of the nature of mind requires a correct Madhyamaka view as its precondition. The dispute concerns the theory of practice and has no generally accepted conclusion at present.
6. The Six Dharmas of Nāropa, bodily practices of the completion stage¶
Mahāmudrā is Kagyu's epistemological summit, while the Six Dharmas of Nāropa are its completion-stage practices. They are two mutually supporting dimensions of the same lineage. The six dharmas have already been mentioned; their content is outlined below:
| Dharma | Tibetan | Core practice | Function |
|---|---|---|---|
| Inner heat (spiritual heat) | gtum mo | Generating heat within the central channel to dissolve obstacles in the winds and channels and lead toward the experience of clear light | Purifying winds and channels; a foundational practice |
| Illusory body | sgyu lus | Recognizing dreams and appearances as illusory and nondual with emptiness | Counteracting grasping at the "real" |
| Dream yoga | rmi lam | Maintaining lucid consciousness in dreams and recognizing their awareness | Preparing for recognition in the intermediate state of death |
| Luminosity | 'od gsal | Recognizing the clear light that appears in sleep, meditation, and death | Maintaining awareness in unconscious states |
| Intermediate state | bar do | Recognizing and mastering the state between death and rebirth | Using the intermediate state for liberation or to choose a rebirth |
| Transference of consciousness | pho ba | Transferring consciousness to a pure land or a particular location at the approach of death | Securing one's direction at death and providing an exit for those unable to attain liberation immediately |
The six dharmas are not taught publicly, since practice requires full empowerments, oral instructions, and appropriate preliminaries. Today, some parts, especially the teachings on luminosity and the intermediate state, have become widely known through the popularity of the Bardo Tödol, generally known in the West as The Tibetan Book of the Dead. The Bardo Tödol itself is a Nyingma treasure text discovered by the fourteenth-century revealer Karma Lingpa, not a Kagyu canonical text. The first point of overlap is subject matter. The luminosity and intermediate-state practices among the six dharmas and the Nyingma bardo teachings address the same process of recognizing the states before and after death and attaining liberation. Their transmissions also intersect. According to Trungpa Rinpoche's introduction to an English translation, Karma Lingpa himself belonged to Nyingma, but all his students came from Kagyu. The teaching was preserved in the Surmang monasteries of Trungpa's lineage before flowing back into Nyingma.4
7. Kagyu's historical influence¶
Kagyu once held a significant place in Tibetan political history. The Phagmodrupa polity, associated with Phagmo Drupa Kagyu, gained political predominance in central Tibet in the mid-fourteenth century.5 From the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries, the Karmapa lineage of Karma Kagyu maintained close relations with China's Ming imperial house and received the title "Great Precious Dharma King." Its influence extended throughout the Tibetan regions.
In the history of practice, Kagyu's deepest contribution was to establish a distinctive emphasis within Tibetan Buddhism. Awakening consists not in accumulating ever more knowledge, but in relinquishing all contrived effort and recognizing here and now what was already present. Kagyu's emphasis, Gelug's extensive textual study, and Nyingma's reliance on the authority of treasure texts constitute different temperaments and approaches within Tibetan Buddhism.
Kagyu's contemporary influence continues chiefly along several lines:
- The Karmapa lineage continues today. There are currently two candidates for the Seventeenth Karmapa, the Great Precious Dharma King: Orgyen Trinley Dorje and Thaye Dorje. They are recognized in different political settings, making this one of the most complex disputes over lineage recognition in modern Tibetan Buddhist history (see 11.8).
- Drukpa Kagyu is Bhutan's state religion and has a pervasive influence on its religious culture.
- Many teachers of Karma Kagyu and other branches are active in Europe and North America. The lineages are among the Tibetan Buddhist lineages most commonly encountered in the West.
- Mahāmudrā as a method of practice has attracted considerable research interest among Western scholars and practitioners. Comparative studies with the Chan kōan tradition have been a prominent area of cross-traditional research over the past thirty years.
Tantra and Chan: very different appearances and a shared logic of "taking a shortcut"
A recurring observation is that tantra (Vajrayāna) and Chan differ enormously in appearance, yet share the same "shortcut" approach in their central logical structure. More precisely, both represent the same kind of bypass of the "ordinary gradual path."
The Chan path rejects reliance on words and letters and points directly to the human mind, so that one sees one's nature and becomes a buddha. Awakening is not a goal reached through accumulation but the immediate recognition of "what was already there." Time collapses because recognition in the present moment is awakening, and the journey and destination become one.
The tantric path, especially Mahāmudrā and Dzogchen, takes the result as the path. As the resultant vehicle (phala-yāna), it directly embodies the result of buddhahood in practice. In contemplative practice, practitioners operate with a buddha's identity, speech, and awareness (divine pride, jñānasattva). The emphasis is not on cultivating causes leading toward buddhahood but on directly embodying its result. The approach likewise fundamentally reverses the structure of time. The result appears immediately within the cause, compressing the linear sequence of cause and effect.
Their common logic is that the goal is already here; practice recognizes or manifests it rather than constructing it. Gradual traditions, including the stages of Southern Buddhist insight practice, Buddhaghosa's seven purifications, and Gelug's five paths and ten stages, presuppose a journey "from here to there." Chan and tantra share the claim that, at the deepest level, this journey is unnecessary because one has never truly left the destination.
The enormous differences in appearance should not obscure this common structure. Chan values simplicity, opposes ritual, and treats all elaborate formalities as obstacles. Tantra presents an exceedingly complex array of rites, visualizations, deities, mudrās, mantras, and qualifications for empowerment. Their appearances are very different, but at the deepest level their philosophies of practice address the same question: how does a person cross from "unawakened" to "awakened"? Chan says one leap takes one there. Tantra says to take the result as the path and place oneself directly in the state of being "already awakened."
The comparison has several forms of scholarly support. The historical setting of the Samye Debate (11.1) itself suggests it. The dispute between Indian gradualists and Chinese Chan at the Tibetan royal court took place against the background of Vajrayāna's arrival in Tibet, while Vajrayāna itself belonged to the category of practices that "compress time." Gradualist Madhyamaka in the line of Buddhapālita and Candrakīrti faced two competing "rapid paths," sudden awakening and tantra. Gómez notes this juxtaposition in analyzing the context of Hvashang Mahāyāna's position. Kapstein likewise identifies, in his study of the Later Diffusion, the structural similarity between Mahāmudrā and Chan in their "opposition to gradual accumulation."6
The comparison also reveals a shared danger. Chan history has seen many abuses of the idea that "precepts are unnecessary after awakening" (already mentioned in 10.8). The abuses of "tantra being above the precepts" in tantric history are greater still; this is precisely what Atiśa criticized (see 11.2). Their structural risks have the same source. If one is already a buddha and practice is only recognition, why must one observe precepts and rules? Both traditions have answers. Chan holds that observance is the natural expression of awakened awareness. Tantra insists that qualifications for empowerment and vows must still be upheld, because becoming heedless through misunderstanding the essence is the greatest misunderstanding. In practice, however, neither answer always prevents that logic from being misused.
The book holds that identifying the shared structure helps explain why the apparently very different traditions occupy such similar positions in "criticizing gradual paths." They are also alike in "being criticized by representatives of gradual traditions," Gelug and Southern Buddhism. Chan and tantra offer two answers to the same question, expressed in entirely different cultural forms.
Further reading¶
- David Seyfort Ruegg. Buddha-Nature, Mind and the Problem of Gradualism in a Comparative Perspective. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1989. (Philosophical analysis of the relationship between Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka; comparative study of sudden and gradual approaches.)
References¶
References
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Herbert V. Guenther (trans.). The Life and Teaching of Nāropa. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963. (An annotated translation and study of Nāropa's biography. It records that he entered Nālandā in 1049 and was chosen as abbot after winning a debate. He held the post for eight years, then left in 1057 to seek Tilopa and studied with him for twelve years. There are also separate chapters on the twelve major hardships and twelve minor situations. The book does not list the Six Dharmas of Nāropa as a group; the list here follows the common Kagyu account.) ↩
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Tsangnyön Heruka. The Life of Milarepa, trans. Andrew Quintman. London: Penguin, 2010. See also Lobsang P. Lhalungpa (trans.), The Life of Milarepa. New York: Dutton, 1977. Neither English translation has been directly checked. The note relies on two Chinese translations of the same work, Liu Liqian's annotated 米拉日巴传 (Life of Milarepa) and Zhang Chengji's 密勒日巴尊者传 (Life of the Venerable Milarepa). It also relies on The Life of Marpa the Translator (trans. Nalanda Translation Committee, Prajñā Press and Shambhala, 1982). Marpa's three journeys to India appear in chapter 2 of the latter work, whose title is "MARPA TRAVELS TO INDIA THREE TIMES and undergoes hardships for the sake of the dharma." Marpa says, "I went to India three times," and, on leaving Magadha, again states: "In this life, I have come three times to India from Tibet—the first time for twelve years, the second time for six years." The dates 1042, 1059, and 1073, however, do not occur in that biography: all three return zero matches. The biography gives durations rather than absolute dates; the three dates presumably derive from modern scholars' chronological calculations, and this note does not vouch for them. For Tsangnyön Heruka's background, see the translator's postscript in Liu Liqian's annotated version. It identifies the author as Sangye Gyaltsen, from Tsang, also called Tsangnyön Heruka Rüpe Gyenchen (藏宁赫鲁迦乳毕坚金). "Tsangnyön" means "the Madman of Tsang," "Heruka" is a name of Cakrasaṃvara, and "Rüpe Gyenchen" means "adorned with bones." He was born in the Water Monkey year of the eighth rabjung cycle, the third year of the Ming Jingtai reign (1452), and died in the Fire Hare year of the ninth cycle, the second year of the Ming Zhengde reign (1507), matching the dates in the main text. The same passage states that Milarepa died in the early twelfth century and that the book was composed in the late fifteenth, more than three centuries later. The passage supports the statement that "the biography is itself a fifteenth-century creation." ↩↩
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Takpo Tashi Namgyal. Mahamudra: The Quintessence of Mind and Meditation, trans. Lobsang P. Lhalungpa. Boston: Shambhala, 1986. (One of the most important traditional works on Mahāmudrā.) The introduction states most clearly that fruition Mahāmudrā is buddhahood. Ground Mahāmudrā "pervades all sentient beings as their inherent" buddha-nature, while "the actual mahamudra realization, the fruition mahamudra, [is] considered to be the enlightenment of all the buddhas." For recognizing what is already present, see p. 232: "If at this moment one wishes to achieve liberation from the cycle of existence, one must recognize ordinary mind, for it is the root of all things." The same page explains that this mind "consists of luminous clarity, intrinsic purity, and a self-existing state that is unmodulated and unpolluted," corresponding to luminous, empty awareness. It also quotes a tantra: "The intrinsic nature of ordinary mind is supreme fruition……It is the threefold enlightenment [trikaya]." The work consistently calls this state "ordinary mind." See also Roger Jackson and John Makransky (eds.), Buddhist Theology: Critical Reflections by Contemporary Buddhist Scholars. London: Curzon, 2000, the discussion of Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka. The original work has not been directly checked. ↩
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For an English translation of the Bardo Tödol (Bar do thos grol), see Gyurme Dorje (trans.), The Tibetan Book of the Dead: The Great Liberation by Hearing in the Intermediate States, ed. Graham Coleman with Thupten Jinpa (London: Penguin Classics, 2005; first US edition, 2006). Its treasure provenance is stated on the title page: "Revealed by Tertön Karma Lingpa," whose birth is placed in the fourteenth century. The book also explains such categories of treasure-teachings as earth treasures (sa-gter) and mind treasures (dgongs-gter). There is only one reference to the Six Dharmas of Nāropa, in the glossary entry for Kagyu. After stating that Kagyu practices both non-tantric and tantric teachings, it says: "There is a particular emphasis on the Great Seal (Mahāmudrā) system of practice and on perfection stage practices such as the Six Yogas of Naropa." The passage lists Kagyu practices but does not discuss the relationship between the six dharmas and the bardo teachings. For the lineage connection, see Trungpa's introduction to Francesca Fremantle and Chögyam Trungpa (trans.), The Tibetan Book of the Dead: The Great Liberation Through Hearing in the Bardo (Boston: Shambhala, 1975): "Karma-Lingpa belonged to the Nyingma tradition but his students were all of the Kagyü tradition… This transmission was kept alive in the Surmang monasteries of the Trungpa lineage, and from there it spread back into the Nyingma tradition." The introduction also says that Karma Lingpa first transmitted this teaching to the Thirteenth Karmapa, Dödül-Dorje, after which it passed to the Eighth Trungpa. Yet the Thirteenth Karmapa lived in the eighteenth century, far removed from the fourteenth-century Karma Lingpa. The claim awaits investigation and is not adopted in the main text. The 1975 edition refers to the Six Dharmas of Nāropa only in endnote 2, which identifies phowa ('pho-ba) as one of them; it does not discuss their relationship to bardo teachings. (An earlier version of this note stated that "the relationship between the Six Dharmas of Nāropa and the Nyingma tradition is discussed in the translation's introduction." The introduction does not in fact mention the six dharmas. It discusses the lineage affiliation of the treasure teaching. The note has now been corrected according to the source.) ↩
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Luciano Petech, Central Tibet and the Mongols (Rome: IsMEO, 1990), pp. 117–118, identifies the conference at Gongkar in 1354 as the acknowledgment of Phagmodrupa predominance and treats subsequent military actions separately. See also David L. Snellgrove and Hugh Richardson, A Cultural History of Tibet, 3rd ed. (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2003), pp. 152–153. ↩
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For comparative studies of Mahāmudrā/tantra and Chan, see David Seyfort Ruegg, Buddha-Nature, Mind and the Problem of Gradualism in a Comparative Perspective. London: SOAS, 1989. (A foundational work in this field, analyzing the philosophical place of sudden and gradual approaches in the Indo-Tibetan traditions.) See also Matthew Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, chapters 6–7 (the opposition of sudden and gradual approaches and the place of tantra in the context of the Samye Debate); Luis O. Gómez, "Indian Materials on the Doctrine of Sudden Enlightenment," cited in a note to chapter 1; Sam van Schaik, "Dzogchen, Chan and the Question of Influence," Revue d'Études Tibétaines 24 (Octobre 2012), pp. 5–19 (a textual comparison of Dzogchen and Chan in the Dunhuang manuscripts). Van Schaik's article takes a different direction from the others and should be read alongside them. Van Schaik argues that similarities in terminology need not be attributed to influence. Tantras underlying Dzogchen, such as the Guhyagarbha, were already permeated by the vocabulary of sūtras underlying Chan, such as the Laṅkāvatāra. Hence it is "not a case of influence, but one of convergence." Finally, Robert Sharf, "Buddhist Modernism and the Rhetoric of Meditative Experience," cited in the notes to 10.8: Sharf's concept of a "rhetoric of immediacy" applies precisely to this shared discursive structure of Chan and tantra, "skipping the intermediate steps." ↩