Chapter 5 Nālandā, Vikramaśīla, and the Late Great Monasteries¶
The preceding four sections examined late Indian Buddhism's major intellectual movements from a philosophical perspective: epistemology, the Madhyamaka–Yogācāra synthesis, and Vajrayāna. These intellectual movements depended on monasteries as their institutional basis. This section examines what the monasteries were and how they operated. It asks how they became intellectual centers during Indian Mahāyāna's last few centuries and why Indian Buddhism could scarcely recover once they were destroyed.
I. The Rise of Nālandā¶
Location and foundation
Nālandā lies in Magadha, in present-day Bihar, India, about 90 kilometers from Patna, ancient Pāṭaliputra, and not far from Bodh Gaya. Its location had a double symbolic significance. Magadha was where the historical Buddha taught and the heartland of Buddhism's earliest rise. Nālandā's proximity to these sacred places also maintained a natural connection between pilgrimage and scholarship.
Nālandā's rise as a major institution of learning coincided with the prosperity of the Gupta dynasty, roughly the fourth to sixth centuries. Tradition regards Kumāragupta I (c. 415–455) as its principal founder or an important early patron. Successive kings expanded it, and the monastery continued to grow.1
The period of greatest flourishing
Nālandā's heyday lasted roughly seven hundred years, from the fifth to the twelfth century. Throughout that period, it was the most important center of Buddhist learning in India, and indeed in Asia. Scholars came from afar for its reputation, while kings of different countries competed to support it.
Physically, Nālandā was an immense complex of courtyards, multistory buildings, and tall stūpas, estimated to have been about the size of a small town. Modern archaeological excavations, chiefly conducted by the British archaeological survey in the early twentieth century, have exposed several courtyards, but the excavated area is only a small part of the whole site.
II. Nālandā's Academic Institutions and Fields of Learning¶
Size and daily life
Historical estimates of Nālandā's resident monks vary widely, from three or four thousand to ten thousand. Whichever figure is more reliable, it was one of the world's largest scholarly communities at the time, standing comparison with contemporary Constantinople and Alexandria.
The monastery provided all food and lodging, supported by land revenues from nearby villages—tax income assigned to it by royalty—and offerings from kings elsewhere. This economic support freed Nālandā's scholars from concern about their livelihoods and allowed them to devote all their time to learning. It was the institutional basis that allowed Nālandā to produce scholarship of high quality.
Curriculum and fields of knowledge
Nālandā's curriculum was broad, extending beyond Buddhist philosophy:
| Field | Contents | Status |
|---|---|---|
| Buddhist doctrine | The three baskets—sūtras, Vinaya, and Abhidharma—and the philosophies of Madhyamaka, Yogācāra, epistemology, and tathāgatagarbha | Core |
| Logic and epistemology | The epistemology and logic of the Dignāga–Dharmakīrti tradition | Core |
| Sanskrit grammar (vyākaraṇa) | Pāṇinian grammar | Required |
| Medicine (āyurveda) | Traditional Indian medicine | Important auxiliary subject |
| Vedic literature | Knowledge of Brahmanical teachings for use in debate | Auxiliary subject |
| Esoteric Buddhism | Practice and philosophy of the various levels of Tantra | Increasingly important in the later period |
This range of learning explains why Nālandā-trained scholars such as Dharmakīrti and Śāntarakṣita could debate the Brahmanical schools with such assurance. They had studied not only Buddhism but also their opponents' intellectual frameworks.
A culture of debate
Nālandā's academic life was marked by a teaching method centered on debate (vāda). A teacher would propose a thesis on a new topic. Students would attack it in turn from different angles while the teacher defended it, until the question was exhausted. Large debates were also held publicly at regular intervals, sometimes with invited Brahmins or scholars of other schools. Buddhist thinkers who won debates could often convert their opponents and attract new patronage.
This culture of debate emerged from the need to survive and compete in India's wider intellectual arena, as 3.6 noted. It also provided the institutional impetus for increasingly precise scholarship at Nālandā. An argument could stand only if it withstood criticism from every angle. This directly explains the exceptional precision achieved by Indian Buddhist philosophy in that era.
III. Xuanzang's Account: A Valuable Firsthand Source¶
The most detailed firsthand description of Nālandā available today comes from the Chinese monk Xuanzang (602–664). He left Chang'an in 629 and, after a perilous journey, studied at Nālandā from 631 to 643. Under its abbot Śīlabhadra (c. 529–645), he studied Yogācāra and became a direct heir to Dharmapāla's tradition. After Xuanzang returned to China, his disciple Bianji compiled his Great Tang Record of the Western Regions, the most detailed Chinese description of Nālandā.2
Xuanzang's account covers several aspects:
Physical description: he describes imposing red-brick buildings, corridors linking courtyards, towers high enough to overlook the surrounding country, elegant architecture, and delicate carving. These descriptions broadly agree with later archaeological findings.
Academic atmosphere: during more than a decade at Nālandā, Xuanzang studied widely across the three baskets and specialized in Yogācāra. He describes intense debates and a scholarly atmosphere in which anyone could be challenged at any time. He himself represented Nālandā in debate with visiting Brahmins and reportedly won.
Testing scholarly standing: according to Xuanzang, scholars stationed at the gates administered admission examinations. Many aspiring students were turned away because they could not answer the gatekeepers' philosophical questions orally. Only a minority of visitors passed and remained at Nālandā. The description may involve literary exaggeration, but it at least reflects Nālandā's understanding of itself as an institution whose threshold was scholarly standing.
Yijing (635–713) was another important Chinese monk who studied at Nālandā after Xuanzang; he was in India from 671 to 695. His Record of Buddhist Practices Sent Home from the Southern Seas and Biographies of Eminent Monks Who Sought the Dharma in the Western Regions during the Great Tang supplement the record of late seventh-century Nālandā.
IV. The Pāla Dynasty and the Later Great Monasteries¶
Nālandā remained central in the seventh and eighth centuries, but from the late eighth century another group of great monasteries arose in eastern India, in Bengal and Bihar, as parallel centers of learning. Their foundation was inseparable from the rise of the Pāla dynasty (c. 750–1174) and its systematic Buddhist patronage.
Based in Bengal and Bihar, the Pālas were the last Indian dynasty renowned for large-scale Buddhist patronage. From Gopāla (c. 750–770) onward, successive kings founded and supported monasteries, reaching a high point under Dharmapāla (c. 770–810) and Devapāla (c. 810–850). Vikramaśīla, Odantapurī, and Somapura Mahāvihāra were all Pāla foundations.
The dynasty's four centuries and more were the last important period of Buddhism in India itself. After its fall around 1174, Islamic powers from Central Asia increasingly penetrated eastern India. Buddhist patronage in India rapidly contracted, and the great monasteries lost their economic support.
V. Vikramaśīla¶
Vikramaśīla's founder, Dharmapāla, ruled at the same time as Tibet's Khri-srong-lde-btsan. Its foundation is therefore placed around the end of the eighth century. Tibetan sources locate it on a hill north of Magadha, on the bank of the Ganges. Its present-day site remains unsettled. Proposed locations all lie around Bhagalpur in present-day Bihar, at either Sultanganj or Patharghata. It stood east of Nālandā on the southern bank of the Ganges: one monastery by the river, the other in Magadha's interior.3
Size and structure
Traditional sources describe six gates at Vikramaśīla, each guarded by a learned thinker, a dvāra-paṇḍita or "gate scholar," who could represent the monastery in debate with outside challengers. A central hall served as its principal teaching space. Vikramaśīla was smaller than Nālandā, yet holds an even higher place in Tibetan Buddhism's historical memory. This is chiefly because Atiśa (980–1054), a crucial figure in Tibetan Buddhist history, spent many years there in the eleventh century before traveling from it to Tibet (see Essay 11).
Vikramaśīla's scholarly character
Founded later, Vikramaśīla gave esoteric Buddhism a more prominent place than Nālandā did. The Pāla kings were especially enthusiastic about Tantra, so from the outset it was a center where esoteric Buddhism, Madhyamaka, and epistemology had equal weight, rather than an institution devoted solely to exoteric philosophy.
Atiśa's role at Vikramaśīla exemplifies this dual character. He was a Madhyamaka thinker with rigorous exoteric training. His Lamp for the Path to Awakening (Bodhipathapradīpa) is an important text on the gradual path. He was also an esoteric practitioner who had received transmissions from several great siddhas.
VI. Other Important Monasteries¶
Nālandā and Vikramaśīla were not the only scholarly monasteries of the Pāla period:
| Monastery | Sanskrit | Location | Features |
|---|---|---|---|
| Odantapurī | Odantapurī | Bihar, near Nālandā | Founded by Gopāla, the first Pāla king; the model for Samye in Tibet |
| Jagaddala | Jagaddala | Northern Bengal | Founded in the late Pāla period, eleventh–twelfth centuries; briefly inherited some functions of Vikramaśīla after its destruction |
| Somapura Great Monastery | Somapura Mahāvihāra | Paharpur, in present-day Bangladesh | Founded by Dharmapāla; well-preserved excavated remains; a UNESCO World Heritage Site |
The model for Samye
Odantapurī was in Magadha, India. Tibetan accounts describe it as the architectural model for Samye. In Bu-ston's account, Śāntarakṣita used it as the model for a plan of Samye arranged around Mount Sumeru, the continents, the sun and moon, and the surrounding iron mountains.4 This detail shows the direct influence of India's great monasteries on Tibetan Buddhist material culture.
VII. An International Scholarly Network¶
The great monasteries of late India were more than local institutions of learning. They were also the hubs of a knowledge network spanning Asia.
Monks from China
Xuanzang and Yijing were the most famous Chinese visitors, but not the only ones. In his Biographies of Eminent Monks Who Sought the Dharma in the Western Regions during the Great Tang, Yijing recorded the stories of dozens of Chinese monks he knew of who traveled to India in search of the teachings. Some returned successfully, some died on the journey, and some died in India. These monks brought back not only scriptures but firsthand knowledge of Indian scholarly life.
Visitors from Tibet
From the eighth century onward, Tibet systematically invited thinkers and translators from India's great monasteries. Rinchen Zangpo (958–1055) studied at Nālandā and Vikramaśīla. Atiśa traveled from Vikramaśīla to Tibet in 1042, bringing systematic exoteric and esoteric teachings. Marpa (1012–1097) made several journeys to India and received esoteric transmissions from Nāropa.
Influence in Southeast Asia
Borobudur in Java, dating to around the eighth and ninth centuries, is Southeast Asia's largest Buddhist monument. Its carvings and design reflect a Buddhist iconographic tradition closely related to Nālandā's style. The royal house of Śrīvijaya in Sumatra actively sponsored Buddhist learning, and Yijing stayed there to study Sanskrit.
VIII. The Vulnerability of the Monastic System¶
With their enormous scale, precise scholarship, and extensive international connections, these great monasteries represent one of the most brilliant chapters in Indian Buddhist history. Yet the same institutional structure contained deep vulnerabilities.
Dependence on state patronage: the great monasteries depended entirely on royal financial support. A change of dynasty or of the patron's religious allegiance would rapidly collapse their economic foundations. The fall of the Pālas in 1174 had already put eastern India's great monasteries in difficulty, even before the subsequent military assaults by Islamic forces.
Distance from society: how closely were these monasteries actually connected to Indian society? In their highly specialized academic setting, the distance between monastic scholars and ordinary people may have been much greater than in early Buddhism. The early Saṅgha depended on lay offerings, and monks maintained daily contact with people on alms rounds. Nālandā's monks lived on state tax revenues and may have had less need to cultivate relations with lay communities. This distance meant that Indian Buddhism lacked a popular base capable of sustaining itself independently of the academic system. In contrast, contemporary Hindu temples were dispersed across the country, rooted in villages and popular life.
Concentrated knowledge: Nālandā's and Vikramaśīla's libraries housed documents accumulated over centuries of Indian Buddhist scholarship. Concentrated storage was an advantage in peace and a fatal weakness in war. Once the texts were destroyed, they could not be reconstructed.
IX. The Historical End: Islamic Invasion and the Destruction of the Great Monasteries¶
Bakhtiyar Khilji's attacks
Around 1193, though sources differ on the exact year, Bakhtiyar Khilji, a general of the Delhi Sultanate, led an army into Bihar and attacked Nālandā and Vikramaśīla. His troops assaulted the monasteries, killed monks, and burned buildings and libraries. Legend says that Nālandā's library burned for months, but this derives from accounts written centuries later and has limited historical credibility. It may be a figurative exaggeration of the enormous holdings, though large-scale book burning may indeed have occurred. Nālandā's main buildings were badly damaged in the assault, and it never recovered its former scale. Vikramaśīla was also attacked around 1203 and subsequently abandoned altogether.
Why the destruction was so thorough
The Islamic armies' attacks directly triggered the monasteries' end. Yet Indian Buddhism had already been declining long before the twelfth-century assaults, as the following section, 8.6, explains. Pāla decline from the eleventh century had shaken the monasteries' economic foundations, and the Hindu revival had eroded Buddhist influence among intellectuals. The growing prominence of Tantra within Buddhism also made it increasingly hard to distinguish outwardly from Hinduism. When the Islamic armies arrived, they faced institutions already politically isolated and weakly rooted in society. Military attack was the endpoint, not the beginning of the causal process.
What was lost
With the destruction of Nālandā and Vikramaśīla, Indian Buddhism lost its last institutional homes. Dispersed monks withdrew into remote mountains or fled to Nepal and Tibet. This is one historical reason why the Indian Buddhist tradition survived relatively intact in Tibet, which in a sense became the final refuge and repository of late Indian Buddhist learning. In India itself, Buddhism all but disappeared over the following centuries, with only a modest revival beginning in the late nineteenth century (see Essay 12).
References¶
References
-
Sukumar Dutt. Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India: Their History and Their Contribution to Indian Culture. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1962, pp. 328–331 (a classic study of Indian Buddhist monasteries, with a detailed account of Nālandā). ↩
-
Xuanzang, narrated; Bianji, compiled. Great Tang Record of the Western Regions, fascicle 9 (Taishō, vol. 51, no. 2087). The Nālandā section begins, "Traveling more than thirty li north from here, one reaches Nālandā Monastery (in Tang Chinese, ‘Giving without Weariness’)" (T51n2087_p0923b12). It recounts the origin of the name, successive building by six kings beginning with King Diri (帝日), several thousand monks, and several hundred whose reputations reached foreign lands. The admission passage reads: "Those from distant regions and foreign lands who wish to enter into discussion are challenged by the gatekeepers; many are defeated and turn back. Only those deeply learned in ancient and modern knowledge gain admission. Among visiting scholars and newcomers whose learning and abilities are examined in detail, seven or eight out of ten fall back" (T51n2087_p0923c17). For another English translation, see Samuel Beal (trans.). Si-Yu-Ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World, 2 vols. London: Kegan Paul, 1884, likewise fascicle 9 for Nālandā. ↩
-
Alaka Chattopadhyaya. Atīśa and Tibet: Life and Works of Dīpaṃkara Śrījñāna. Calcutta: Indian Studies Past & Present (later reprinted by Motilal Banarsidass), Chapter 13, "The Vikramaśīla Vihāra." On the foundation, printed p. 107 cites Tāranātha: Dharmapāla reigned for sixty-four years and founded about fifty Buddhist centers, thirty-five devoted to Prajñāpāramitā studies; "Śrī Vikramaśīla vihāra (was built) on the bank of the Gaṅgā in the north of Magadha on top of a hill." A central hall held a life-size Mahābodhi image, surrounded by fifty-three small tantric shrines and fifty-four ordinary shrines, making 108 in all. An enclosure wall surrounded them, and 108 paṇḍitas were supported. The same chapter then cites a version by Sumpa Khenpo with slightly different numbers of shrines and supported scholars, also noting that Cakrāyudha ruled in the west and Tibet's Khri-srong-lde-btsan in the north. This is the basis for placing the foundation in the late eighth century. Competing identifications of the present site appear on printed p. 111. One places it at Vaiṣkaraṇ Śilā near Sultan Gunj, supported by Vidyābhūṣaṇa and Gendun Chopel. Another, from Nundalal De, places it at Patharghata in Bhagalpur district, "six miles north of Coloong, twenty-four miles east of Bhagalpur, and twenty-eight miles east of Campā, the ancient capital of Aṅga," and dates its existence to "about four hundred years, from the middle of the eighth century to the end of the twelfth." Samaddar follows this view. The original note cited Roerich's translation of The Blue Annals, which supplies no basis for the foundation date or location; that citation has been withdrawn. The original text also said Vikramaśīla was "about 500 kilometers from Nālandā." This figure was both unsourced and incorrect: both sites lie in present-day Bihar, so it too has been removed. ↩
-
Bu-ston's account is cited through Alaka Chattopadhyaya, Atīśa and Tibet: Life and Works of Dīpaṃkara Śrījñāna in Relation to the History and Religion of Tibet (Calcutta: Indian Studies: Past & Present, 1967), p. 239, which cites Obermiller's translation of Bu-ston, part II, p. 189. See also Sukumar Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India (1962), pp. 354–355. ↩