Sharma《Urban Decay in India (c. 300–c. 1000)》全书。三项用证逐一坐实。（一）去城市化：作者自述其判——诸址「indicate decrease in construction, manufacturing and commercial activities, and are hence associated with deurbanization. The reasons for the urban eclipse are sought not only in the fall of empires but also in social disorder and the loss of long-distance trade」。
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（二）钱币减少：「The scarcity of coins in c. 600–1000 appears in almost all parts of the subcontinent with a few exceptions in Kashmir, Punjab, western Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan」；又曰「between 600 and 1000 gold coins were almost absent in India and that in contrast to the earlier period there was general dearth of metallic currency in post-Gupta times」。惟须记一句：作者自承此说已被质疑——「The paucity of coins in the post-Gupta period has been questioned. But we see no reason to change our view」。引用时宜知其为一家之言而非定论。（三）商团萎缩：钤有城／会（nigama）之印者「ceased to issue coins」；而其归宿则是「Urban decline led to the regrouping and reorganization of social [structure]… Guilds fossilized into castes」。另记五世纪末一织绸行会自城中迁出之例。 本行另需的「贵霜后政治动荡与嚈哒兵燹」系站内交叉指向（第五篇第二章、第一卷第八篇第六章），非此书之责。惟此书对嚈哒一项有一层要紧的保留，宜转告那两处：作者谓德干诸城「most towns were deserted or had become derelict in the third century or a little later. But no foreign invasion took place at this time」，而嚈哒「may have destroyed some towns in north India in the fifth century」，仅举三例。即：去城市化在德干早于任何外患，嚈哒兵燹至多是北印一隅的部分因素，不足以充当通盘解释。 正文若以兵燹为去城市化之因，须按此收紧。
Ming-Wood Liu〈The Problem of the Icchantika in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra〉（*Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies* 7.1, 1984）
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书内第 67 页书内第 76 页
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覆看 今 Drewes 2011（IIJ 54）照留，其后补「同作者另有 'Early Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism II: New Perspectives'，Religion Compass 4/2, 2010, pp. 66–74，所论同此而为综述，另有此篇」。 判疑／确不变者照旧，处置待裁→已更新。
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①分层：立〈The View of the Second Part (Chapters 6–9)〉一节，谓此数品「shows most of the features of a separate work」；②改判：「The above two maneuvers of the author of the third part to reconcile his belief in the eventual enlightenment of all sentient beings with the earlier parts’ idea of the eternal damnation of the icchantikas are not beyond criticism」。
[0287] La théorie du Tathâgatagarbha et du Gotra - David Seyfort Ruegg - EFEO 1969
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书内第 35 页书内第 35 页
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「A partir du XIe siècle on trouve dans les sources sanskrites des références plus nombreuses au RGV」，智吉祥友屡引之，智作慧《入菩萨行论细疏》引其 5.18，十一世纪迦湿弥罗的萨阇那作唯一存世的印度复注，并与弟子俄译师（1059—1109）译成藏文。②Mathes《A Direct Path to the Buddha Within》（[0014]，Wisdom 2008）書 2 更直言「the Indian reaction on the whole was simply to ignore
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the Ratnagotravibhāga and its teaching of buddha nature for six centuries. Things changed, however, in the eleventh century」，并记藏地传说此论由弥勒巴重新发现，而其师智吉祥友（约 980—1040）已知之。正文「在印度论场寥落数百年、约十一世纪后重新浮现」两半俱坐实。已更新： 注补 Ruegg 书内第 35 页与 Mathes 书内第 2 页两处原句。
[0014] A Direct Path to the Buddha Within - Klaus-Dieter Mathes - 2008
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书内第 2 页
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「A partir du XIe siècle on trouve dans les sources sanskrites des références plus nombreuses au RGV」，智吉祥友屡引之，智作慧《入菩萨行论细疏》引其 5.18，十一世纪迦湿弥罗的萨阇那作唯一存世的印度复注，并与弟子俄译师（1059—1109）译成藏文。②Mathes《A Direct Path to the Buddha Within》（[0014]，Wisdom 2008）書 2 更直言「the Indian reaction on the whole was simply to ignore
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the Ratnagotravibhāga and its teaching of buddha nature for six centuries. Things changed, however, in the eleventh century」，并记藏地传说此论由弥勒巴重新发现，而其师智吉祥友（约 980—1040）已知之。正文「在印度论场寥落数百年、约十一世纪后重新浮现」两半俱坐实。已更新： 注补 Ruegg 书内第 35 页与 Mathes 书内第 2 页两处原句。
